Mexican migrants struggle to reintegrate after being deported

For first-generation migrants, returning to Mexico means returning to a familiar world: they speak Spanish without an accent, are familiar with local customs and easily reintegrate into family and community networks.

“These returnees had grown up in Mexico and were regarded as full-fledged Mexicans,” said Canedo. “Their identity was not questioned.”

But this social capital did not translate into economic opportunities. Many of these migrants never obtained any formal qualifications and worked for years in low-skilled industries in the U.S., such as agriculture, construction, food services and food processing. 

“Back in Mexico, their skills were primarily suited to low-paying jobs,” said Canedo. “But with an already abundant labour force and no prior work experience in Mexico, they rarely got hired.” 

Those returning to their communities of origin found that their skills were even less aligned with local opportunities.

Cesar, a first-generation returnee who was deported after working in a food processing plant in the U.S. for 15 years, reported feeling completely lost. 

“Like the saying goes: ‘You go north, and get disoriented [Te vas all norte y te norteas],” he said. “Well, that’s how one returns, like half lost, not knowing where you’re going. Yes, I’m here, maybe I brought a few dollars, but all that money runs out pretty fast, what am I going to do?” 

In another common scenario, returning migrants had trained in jobs that simply don’t exist in Mexico.

“There was one returnee who had spent more than 15 years making fish hooks in the U.S.,” recalled Canedo. “But there’s no such industry in Mexico, so it was impossible for him to make use of his skills when he returned.”

Many try to start small businesses or enter the informal economy, but without institutional support or access to credit, they struggle to get back on their feet. 

“After years of working hard in the U.S. and sending money back home, they return to Mexico only to find themselves without prospects,” Canedo said.

The situation of 1.5-generation returnees to Mexico is also challenging, though for different reasons. Having arrived in the U.S. as children or teenagers, they were educated in the American system and grew up immersed in American culture.

Economically, they have one considerable advantage: fluency in English. Felix, for example, saw this skill as key: “What has truly opened several doors for us is speaking English—not just the English from a Mexican school, but fluent English.” 

Their bilingualism often helped them land jobs in call centres, which have proliferated in many Mexican cities. Some returnees even secured online jobs paid in U.S. dollars instead of pesos, putting them in a favourable economic position but often depriving them of access to social benefits.

However, professional success comes at a high social and identity cost. Unlike first-generation returnees, these young adults are not perceived as Mexican. 

Oscar, who was deported to Mexico at the age of 15, said he was called gringo and ended up seeking therapy. 

“People were always shaming me and making me feel like… a piece of shit for knowing English,” he said. “They tried to exclude me all the time. You know, I would get like... kind of aggressive stares. I would always get shamed … and picked on."

Many of the 1.5-generation returnees in the survey reported suffering cultural discrimination. For example, they would be mocked for their accent or weight, excluded because of their tattoos or style of dress, or suspected of being in a gang.

“They think that just because of the tattoos I’m going to steal from them or hurt them,” said Julio, who returned to Mexico at age 27 after living 24 years in California. “It’s not like that. Because in the U.S., almost everyone has a tattoo.”

The Mexican government has implemented a variety of measures to help returning migrants reintegrate, such as recognizing foreign qualifications, providing employment support and ensuring access to social services.

However, according to Canedo, these initiatives are hindered by a lack of resources and continuity. 

“On paper, many policies are excellent,” she said. “But in practice, they don't reach returning migrants, who are either unaware of them or find them too difficult to access due to red tape.”

This disconnect deepens returnees’ disillusionment and feelings of abandonment. First-generation returnees see their economic prospects disappear, while 1.5-generation returnees are left to face significant psychological struggles and identity issues alone.

“In 2023, while I was writing up this research, Bloomberg reported that only four per cent of Mexicans deported from the U.S. between January and July had found a job,” said Canedo. “It’s a sobering statistic that illustrates the scale of the reintegration challenge.”

Canedo believes it’s crucial and urgent to move beyond the simplistic view that returning to one’s country of origin will naturally lead to successful reintegration. 

“Returning isn’t the end; it’s the beginning of a new journey,” she said. “And this journey is shaped by obstacles that vary depending on the type of migration.”

Canedo advocates for a range of tailored policies, including economic support for first-generation adult returnees, and psychological and cultural support for 1.5-generation returnees.

Beyond specific programs, she calls for a fundamental shift in perspective.

“Almost every Mexican family has a relative who has migrated,” noted Canedo, a native of Mexico City. “Yet Mexican society continues to marginalize returnees, sometimes even treating them with contempt. We need to acknowledge that migration is part of our collective history and recognize the diversity of return experiences.”